Today I read a column by David Brooks of the New York
Times. This is not unusual in and of itself, but the topic was far more
philosophical than Mr. Brooks’ normal serving in terms of a piece. Brooks argues that there are two schools in American conservatism – traditional and economicand that the fiscal conservatives have come to run the show.
His analysis happens to not deal with the rise of the social conservatives or
libertarians, but I will put that aside for now.
Traditional conservatives are described as “intellectual heir to Edmund
Burke, Russell Kirk, Clinton Rossiter and Catholic social teaching. This sort
of conservative didn’t see society as a battleground between government and the
private sector. Instead, the traditionalist wanted to preserve a society that
functioned as a harmonious ecosystem, in which the different layers were
nestled upon each other: individual, family, company, neighborhood, religion,
city government and national government.”
Reading
Mr. Brooks’ column I thought he might be referring to a trans-Atlantic ideology
at the founding of at least three nations (U.K., U.S. and Canada), and probably
more – Toryism. Toryism is a distinctly difficult ideology to pin down. It was
swept away later by more familiar clashes of ideas. Toryism in its inception
was a protection of the status quo, and in particular a defense of the British monarchy and tradition from the English Civil War to the American Revolution.
Given my own background and biases I associate Toryism
with the pre-Confederation leaders of Canada and our first Prime Minister Sir
John A. Macdonald. Tories tend to dote quite a bit towards authority and
respect the rule of law. The Canadian phrase “Peace, Order and Good Government”
seem the most effective synopsis of what Canadian Toryism is. The orderly
structuring of a society and peaceful commerce and livelihoods of its
inhabitants are of the utmost value to Tories. The school of thought developed
in opposition to liberalism, which emphasizes the individual over the
collective.
Toryism is a very attractive notion even in modern times.
Brooks describes traditional conservatives saying “Because they were conservative, they tended to believe
that power should be devolved down to the lower levels of this chain. They
believed that people should lead disciplined, orderly lives, but doubted that
individuals have the ability to do this alone, unaided by social custom and by
God. So they were intensely interested in creating the sort of social, economic
and political order that would encourage people to work hard, finish school and
postpone childbearing until marriage.” Individuals left to their own devices
cannot be trusted, which is what society is for in the first place. It’s the
same reason the unregulated free market is dangerous.
In
Canada and other Westminster Parliamentary democracies the right-wing parties
are often called Tories, but the relationship between the Conservative Party of
Canada and the traditions of Toryism is quite tenuous. Tories in Canada are
probably best understood as being the Red Tories of the old Progressive
Conservative and Conservative Parties, but it is more than being moderate on
social issues. The libertarian and social conservative factions are actively
disruptive to society. Tories see a natural and fitting role for the state
which cannot be said for all those who are called Tories in today’s parlance.
It
might seem strange, but I consider myself a Tory and a New Democrat and have
squared those ideas together. I imagine that strain of Canadian political
thought or voter who is a Tory has an awkward time in the current political
dynamic. All three of the major political parties are inheritors of the Tory
tradition but none really embody the values anymore. So, whither Toryism, and
its proud tradition?
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